How to Overthrow the Government

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Operation Paper began in late 1950 [93] or early 1951 following Chinese involvement in the Korean War. [94]

Congress passes Communist Control Act | August 24, 1954 - HISTORY Congress passes Communist Control Act | August 24, 1954 - HISTORY

Many politicians and pundits initially saw Trump’s refusal to concede as pathetic, delusional, and mostly harmless. “What is the downside for humoring him for this little bit of time?” a senior Republican official asked The Washington Post in early November, two days after the election was called for Biden. “No one seriously thinks the results will change.”T his hypothesis has limits. Conscience restrained the powerful this time, but power also corrupts. If the election had been closer, or if a judge had given legal cover, or if one of the legislatures—Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, Georgia—had gone first, the temptations and pressures on others would have been harder to resist. More than once, but for circumstance, Trump’s efforts might have found traction and momentum might have broken his way. Given that the U.S. was formed by settlers who threw off British government rule, there is also an historic precedent for overthrowing the government.

Declaration of Independence says we have the right to The Declaration of Independence says we have the right to

Actually the scope of the revolution, its tasks and methods are much broader than this. Seizing state power is only the first step. It is not the end of the revolution, not by a long way. The leadership of the working class, the Communist Workers Party, cannot define the tasks of the revolution in terms of the transitional demands, because these demands are only used to bring the masses in a position to follow and support the Party in seizing power. L ast year, John Eastman, whom CNN describes as an attorney working with Donald Trump’s legal team, wrote a preposterous memo outlining how then–Vice President Mike Pence could overturn the 2020 election by fiat or, failing that, throw the election to the House of Representatives, where Republicans could install Trump in office despite his loss to Joe Biden. The document, which was first reported by the Washington Post journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa in their new book, is a step-by-step plan to overthrow the government of the United States through a preposterous interpretation of legal procedure.Trump’s invincible commitment to this stance will be the most important fact about the coming Interregnum. It will deform the proceedings from beginning to end. We have not experienced anything like it before.

More than one way to sack a government - BBC News

This one is actually happening to me right now, hi :) 18. A-holes that park in the handicapped spots when they, in fact, not handicapped. According to the memo, Pence could refuse to certify the results in particular states, giving Trump more electoral votes than Biden, and Pence would declare Trump the victor. If Democrats objected (as surely they would), the vote would then go to the House. Because the Constitution gives one vote to each state in disputed presidential elections, and the Republicans were the majority in 26 of 50 state delegations, the Democratic House majority would be unable to prevent Republicans from throwing the election to Trump. The election-law expert Ned Foley writes that the scheme would likely not have prevailed, given the Democrats’ ability to prevent a joint session, but that seems almost beside the point, which is that a sitting president and vice president were considering how to keep themselves in power following an election they lost. 5. When all else failed, Trump tried to get a mob to overturn the results. As we have seen, conditions in the U.S. much different than in the third world. When capitalism becomes destabilized, there is a pre-revolutionary situation lying in between a non-revolutionary and a revolutionary situation. The pre-revolutionary situation will not necessarily take the form of a nationwide flow, as in Russia in 1912-1914. We have consistently pointed out that the American workers are waking up under the impact of the economic crisis and this awakening is taking the form at this point of mass disorientation. After decades of dreaming of a better life, they are seeing all their hopes slipping away, never again to return. There was more dedication to democracy, more commitment to democratic institutions, than I had expected,” Kathryn Olmsted, a historian of conspiracy politics at UC Davis, told me. “Because it wasn’t just a game of pretend anymore.”During World War II, the United States helped overthrow many Nazi German or Imperial Japanese puppet regimes. Examples include regimes in the Philippines, Korea, East China, and parts of Europe. United States forces, together with the Soviet Union, were also instrumental in removing Adolf Hitler from power in Germany and Benito Mussolini in Italy. Agitation must be linked with propaganda in that it, too must put forth socialist revolution as the only alternative to more suffering and win the broad masses to the movement for workers’ rule. We cannot confine the ideas of socialism to propaganda–even mass propaganda. If we don’t reach the majority of Americans with the need for socialism, then some other political trend will reach them with their solution. This is especially true for the U.S. with its long history of bourgeois pluralism. The two roads in the 80’s and socialism must be put on the agenda of our agitation over each and every issue facing Americans without exception. And we must participate in pacesetting struggles to make this concrete for them. Even so, there is good news to be found in the manner of Trump’s defeat. The system held. Enough officials did the right thing, when it counted, to fend off the overthrow of our government. And in this we can see a path forward. Even Vice President Mike Pence, at the moment of final decision, declined Trump’s demand that he claim the unilateral power—nowhere granted him by law—to strike down state election results. This prompted shouts of “Hang Pence!” from the insurgents who poured into the Capitol that afternoon. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell chose that same moment—the formal acceptance of the Electoral College vote—to make his first definitive break with the president. Heedless opportunists such as Senators Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz, along with the majority of Republicans in the House, could vote to overthrow the election knowing that they had no chance to prevail. McConnell and Pence had meaningful power to sabotage the results, and they stayed their hand.